Collated by Tusar Nath Mohapatra
..The deepest superstition of modern politics is the belief that larger political units are automatically superior to smaller ones. Curiously, neither the advocates of Indian unity nor their British initiators seemed eager to discuss an awkward fact. The British Empire often congratulated itself for having "united India." Yet the people making this argument came from a tiny island. An island so small that many Indian districts are larger in area. Apparently political size was a great virtue for Indians, but not sufficiently virtuous for Britain to merge itself into a continental superstate. British were not fools, they ruled the world.
Indeed, generations later many of their descendants would support Brexit on the grounds that political centralization in distant capitals was undesirable. The lesson seems to be: Small is beautiful when applied to Britain. Large is beautiful when applied to everyone else. Competition disciplines merchants. Competition disciplines kingdoms. Competition disciplines institutions. What remains largely undisciplined is the monopoly that calls itself unity.
Ironically, the most extensive and durable administrative unity over much of the subcontinent was achieved not by a "friendly confederation of kingdoms" but by the British Empire. That monopoly peace was destructive. Indian physical height stalled when the bureaucracy of the British Crown replaced the enterprise of the East India Company. Kingdoms and merchants raised growth; bureaucrats froze it. The merchants counted profits. The bureaucrats counted forms. Guess which category multiplied faster. Worse, the stagnation did not end with independence.
Indian physical heights continued to stagnate under Indian social-democratic bureaucracy. The planning commissions expanded. The licenses expanded. The permits expanded. The controls expanded. The files expanded. Unfortunately, human height did not expand at the same rate. Kings competed. Merchants competed. Cities competed. Provinces competed. Competition generates discovery. Monopoly ge nerates paperwork. And paperwork is the one crop that central planners have always managed to grow abundantly. Democratic socialism’s legacy is public power and private decay
https://x.com/i/status/2074163487350362318
..True. A small kingdom can be more authoritarian than a large empire. Singapore could theoretically become far more statist than it is today. The government already controls most land. Yet it must constantly trade, attract capital, and retain talent in order to survive. North Korea is small. A prison cell is even smaller. Size alone proves nothing. The argument is about COMPETITION and EXIT. Why is California generally constrained? Because Americans can move to Texas, Florida, or another state.
..Point is not block exit between independent systems (and but within one system. Stateist nationalism has a peculiar problem. It speaks of unity, equality, and solidarity, but operates through redistribution. Once redistribution becomes the foundation of the system, exit becomes an existential threat. If productive people, firms, or regions can leave, the redistribution machine breaks. Thus the logic becomes: block exit, centralize power, and moralize dependency. Add compulsory equality to blocked exit and you have a political pressure cooker.
Parliamentary politics becomes a permanent struggle over the redistribution tap, with every faction seeking control while calling its rivals selfish. Vivekananda and Aurobindo were not socialists in the modern redistributive sense. They preached self-improvement, discipline, service, and civilizational renewal. Yet neither became India's Deng Xiaoping—the man who asked not merely how to serve the poor, but how the poor become rich. That distinction matters. A nation cannot redistribute itself into prosperity. Before asking how to help the poor, one must ask how wealth is created. Deng asked that question. Much of modern Indian political thought remained focused on the first.
The Mahabharata repeatedly warns of the curse of empire-building. Empires attract tax collectors, rent-seekers, and political entrepreneurs. The greater the rewards of political power, the greater the incentive to fight over politics rather than produce wealth. Empire becomes economic cannibalism: production declines while appropriation expands. This suspicion of political extraction is not unique to India. In the New Testament, tax collectors are repeatedly portrayed as social outcasts. The merchant, farmer, craftsman, and trader created wealth; the tax collector arrived afterward with paperwork.
Modern societies have largely reversed this prestige hierarchy. Children are encouraged to aspire to tax-funded bureaucracies while entrepreneurship, innovation, engineering, and productive risk-taking often receive less admiration. A civilization reveals its priorities by whom it celebrates. Honor the producer and production grows. Honor the entrepreneur and prosperity grows. Honor the bureaucrat and bureaucracy grows. The deepest conflict is not left versus right, caste versus caste, or party versus party. It is between systems that reward production and systems that reward political allocation. One creates wealth. The other learns how to eat it.
https://x.com/i/status/2074181665564598301
Democracy Has a Life of Its Own
by Nihar Nalini Sarangi countercurrents.org/2026/07/democr…
Nihar Nalini Sarangi reflects on the enduring resilience of democratic societies and the historical limits of concentrated power.
https://x.com/i/status/2072985338553774293
The 250 Year Pregnancy: Will U.S. Democracy Ever Be Born?
by Michael K Smith countercurrents.org/2026/06/the-25…
As the United States marks 250 years since its founding, Michael K. Smith revisits the origins and evolution of American democracy through a critical historical lens.
https://x.com/i/status/2071811148173983973
[A Modern KuruKṣetrA? VAiṣṇAVisM, nAtionAlisM, And the second World WAr - Jon Chapple
if Krishna Prem, by birth a Briton,... weakly in favor of the Allied cause, his spiritual contemporary, fellow Kingsman and guru to Dilip Kumar Roy, Sri Aurobindo...] d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/122015562/JVS_…
[PDF] Cultural revivalism in India: pre-and post-independence scenario
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[PDF] The End of Bengali Exceptionalism: Political Memory, Regional Identity, and the Majoritarian-Developmental Turn in Modi's India
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