Thursday, July 09, 2026

Competition generates discovery

 Collated by Tusar Nath Mohapatra

Proudhon, Tolstoy, Gandhi, and Bhave - You are entirely correct, and your defense of Owen is a vital correction to the cold, deterministic "scientific" dismissal favored by Marx and Engels.
Pure meritocracy is an artificial construct - You have pointed exactly to the philosopher who bridged these concepts. Bernard Mandeville’s landmark 1714 work, The Fable of the Bees: or, Private Vic...
Vritra and Savitri - Your observation cuts straight to the psychological core of this debate: Ayn Rand and Naomi Klein are both trying to explain why their idealized, "perfe...
Turning a practical vice like self-interest into a moral virtue - Naomi Klein’s thesis stands in direct, diametric opposition to Ayn Rand’s philosophy of Objectivism. Their clash represents one of the most fundamental deb...
Mandeville and Auroville - Collated by Tusar Nath Mohapatra, Director, Savitri Era Learning Forum (SELF since 2005) Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee’s Speeches at ‘Sri Aurobindo Memoria...

..The deepest superstition of modern politics is the belief that larger political units are automatically superior to smaller ones. Curiously, neither the advocates of Indian unity nor their British initiators seemed eager to discuss an awkward fact. The British Empire often congratulated itself for having "united India." Yet the people making this argument came from a tiny island. An island so small that many Indian districts are larger in area. Apparently political size was a great virtue for Indians, but not sufficiently virtuous for Britain to merge itself into a continental superstate. British were not fools, they ruled the world.

Indeed, generations later many of their descendants would support Brexit on the grounds that political centralization in distant capitals was undesirable. The lesson seems to be: Small is beautiful when applied to Britain. Large is beautiful when applied to everyone else. Competition disciplines merchants. Competition disciplines kingdoms. Competition disciplines institutions. What remains largely undisciplined is the monopoly that calls itself unity.

Ironically, the most extensive and durable administrative unity over much of the subcontinent was achieved not by a "friendly confederation of kingdoms" but by the British Empire. That monopoly peace was destructive. Indian physical height stalled when the bureaucracy of the British Crown replaced the enterprise of the East India Company. Kingdoms and merchants raised growth; bureaucrats froze it. The merchants counted profits. The bureaucrats counted forms. Guess which category multiplied faster. Worse, the stagnation did not end with independence.

Indian physical heights continued to stagnate under Indian social-democratic bureaucracy. The planning commissions expanded. The licenses  expanded. The permits expanded. The controls expanded. The files expanded. Unfortunately, human height did not expand at the same rate. Kings competed. Merchants competed. Cities competed. Provinces competed. Competition generates discovery. Monopoly ge nerates paperwork. And paperwork is the one crop that central planners have always managed to grow abundantly. Democratic socialism’s legacy is public power and private decay

https://x.com/i/status/2074163487350362318

..True. A small kingdom can be more authoritarian than a large empire. Singapore could theoretically become far more statist than it is today. The government already controls most land. Yet it must constantly trade, attract capital, and retain talent in order to survive. North Korea is small. A prison cell is even smaller. Size alone proves nothing. The argument is about COMPETITION and EXIT. Why is California generally constrained? Because Americans can move to Texas, Florida, or another state.

..Point is not block exit between independent systems (and but within one system. Stateist nationalism has a peculiar problem. It speaks of unity, equality, and solidarity, but operates through redistribution. Once redistribution becomes the foundation of the system, exit becomes an existential threat. If productive people, firms, or regions can leave, the redistribution machine breaks. Thus the logic becomes: block exit, centralize power, and moralize dependency. Add compulsory equality to blocked exit and you have a political pressure cooker.

Parliamentary politics becomes a permanent struggle over the redistribution tap, with every faction seeking control while calling its rivals selfish. Vivekananda and Aurobindo were not socialists in the modern redistributive sense. They preached self-improvement, discipline, service, and civilizational renewal. Yet neither became India's Deng Xiaoping—the man who asked not merely how to serve the poor, but how the poor become rich. That distinction matters. A nation cannot redistribute itself into prosperity. Before asking  how to help the poor, one must ask how wealth is created. Deng asked that question. Much of modern Indian political thought remained focused on the first.

The Mahabharata repeatedly warns of the curse of empire-building. Empires attract tax collectors, rent-seekers, and political entrepreneurs. The greater the rewards of political power, the greater the incentive to fight over politics rather than produce wealth. Empire becomes economic cannibalism: production declines while appropriation expands. This suspicion of political extraction is not unique to India. In the New Testament, tax collectors are repeatedly portrayed as social outcasts. The merchant, farmer, craftsman, and trader created wealth; the tax collector arrived afterward with paperwork.

Modern societies have largely reversed this prestige hierarchy. Children are encouraged to aspire to tax-funded bureaucracies while entrepreneurship, innovation, engineering, and productive risk-taking often receive less admiration. A civilization reveals its priorities by whom it celebrates. Honor the producer and production grows. Honor the entrepreneur and prosperity grows. Honor the bureaucrat and bureaucracy grows. The deepest conflict is not left versus right, caste versus caste, or party versus party. It is between systems that reward production and systems that reward political allocation. One creates wealth. The other learns how to eat it.

https://x.com/i/status/2074181665564598301

Democracy Has a Life of Its Own

by Nihar Nalini Sarangi countercurrents.org/2026/07/democr

Nihar Nalini Sarangi reflects on the enduring resilience of democratic societies and the historical limits of concentrated power.

https://x.com/i/status/2072985338553774293

The 250 Year Pregnancy: Will U.S. Democracy Ever Be Born?

by Michael K Smith countercurrents.org/2026/06/the-25

As the United States marks 250 years since its founding, Michael K. Smith revisits the origins and evolution of American democracy through a critical historical lens.

https://x.com/i/status/2071811148173983973

[A Modern KuruKṣetrA? VAiṣṇAVisM, nAtionAlisM, And the second World WAr - Jon Chapple

if Krishna Prem, by birth a Briton,... weakly in favor of the Allied cause, his spiritual contemporary, fellow Kingsman and guru to Dilip Kumar Roy, Sri Aurobindo...] d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/122015562/JVS_…

[PDF] Cultural revivalism in India: pre-and post-independence scenario

V Sourav, M Bangalore - 2026
india’s struggle for independence from colonial rule was marked by a multitude of
resistance movements and ideological currents, culminating in its liberation in 1947.
this article examines a pivotal cultural strategy within this struggle: Bal Gangadhar …

[PDF] From inclination to immersion: reconstructing BR Ambedkar's Long Road to Buddhism

B Hewage - South Asian History and Culture, 2026
This article argues that BR Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism was not a sudden
rupture at Nagpur in 1956 but the culmination of a five-decade process shaped by
intellectual inquiry, social crisis, and political responsibility. Drawing on Ambedkar’s …

and Gorky Chakraborty

SR Chowdhury - India's East and North East
… While the actual movement that gave birth to NRC and foreigners’ identification
revolved around ethnic and linguistic differences, the advent of Hindutva politics in
the state twisted these contestations by introducing the fissure of religion thus …

(Re) Making Borders: Scales of Belonging in a Borderland

SR Chowdhury, D Chakraborty, G Chakraborty - India's East and North East …, 2026
… While the actual movement that gave birth to NRC and foreigners’ identification
revolved around ethnic and linguistic differences, the advent of Hindutva politics in
the state twisted these contestations by introducing the fissure of religion thus …

Dalit Cosmos: Understanding Caste, Marginalisation and Dalit Literature in India: by Mudnakudu Chinnaswamy, London, Routledge, 2023, x+ 72 pp.,£ 33.59 …

K Kumar - 2026
… Chapter 6 ‘The Brand of Hindutva and Lurking Fascism’ was a speech by
Chinnaswamy, which was delivered on 24 December 2017 at the Vidrohi Sahitya …
Even in the name of nationalism, they have been spreading Hindutva to preserve …

City Fictions of the New India: Literature, Infrastructure, Citizenship by Alex Tickell

R Oh - Studies in the Novel, 2026
… Among other things, Hindutva governance has made a “spatial claim to India...reinforced
through its sacred geographies” (206). Tickell shows how Hindutva-led governments
have politicized pilgrimage sites and Hinduism’s seven holy cities to justify and …

Deconstructing Political Discourse: The Evolving Grammar of India's Bharatiya Janata Party Manifestos, 1984–2024

R Mehta - From Oratory to Colloquialism: Changes in Political …, 2026
… I aim to show how the BJP’s narrative strategies, across decades, have been
carefully calibrated to connect the party’s hindutva ideology as well as the varying
forms of socio-political development agendas to the hopes and fears of millions. In …

[PDF] The End of Bengali Exceptionalism: Political Memory, Regional Identity, and the Majoritarian-Developmental Turn in Modi's India

CIA Siddiky - 2026
… Rather, the BJP succeeded by reinterpreting selected elements of Bengal’s own
Hindu-cultural inheritance through the centralized grammar of Modi-era Hindutva,
welfare delivery, executive authority, and developmental nationalism. The result …

SIR to CRPF: Five factors that helped the BJP conquer Bengal

A Gupta - 2026
Sinha’s complaint underscored the problem the Hindutva party faced in the state:
despite all its efforts to consolidate Hindu voters behind itself, the BJP still trailed
Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress by a handsome margin in the 2021 Assembly …

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